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The work environment of female workers: A sociological study in Dhaka North City Corporation, Bangladesh

Authors

Kajol Ripa
Research Associate
Migration Research, Development, and Society of Bangladesh (MRDSB)
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Email: KajolRipa@mrdsb.org
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0001-9252-3954

Dr Khandaker Mursheda Farhana
Associate Professor
Department of Sociology & Anthropology
Shanto-Mariam University of Creative Technology, Uttara
Dhaka-1230, Bangladesh
Email: drfarhanamannan@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0009-1526-6147

Corresponding author: KajolRipa@mrdsb.org

Migration diaspora and remittance review. 2025, 5(3); https://doi.org/10.64907/xkmf.v5i3mdrr

Submission received: 1 August 2025 / Revised: 9 September 2025 / Accepted: 25 September 2025 / Published: 29 September 2025

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Abstract

This paper examines the work environment of female workers in Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC), Bangladesh, synthesising recent empirical research and policy documents and proposing a mixed-methods research design for future primary investigation. Bangladesh’s female labour force participation remains substantially lower than men’s and is characterised by high informality, precarious working conditions, gendered occupational segregation, and exposure to harassment and poor social protections. In urban Dhaka, the majority of working women—especially migrants and those employed in the informal economy and the ready-made garment (RMG) sector—face multiple vulnerabilities, including unsafe workplaces, inadequate maternity and social protections, precarious income, long hours, and gender-based violence. These conditions are shaped by structural factors (labour regulations, market incentives), socio-cultural norms (gender roles, mobility restrictions), and urban constraints (transport, childcare, housing). Drawing on World Bank, ILO, peer-reviewed studies, government labour law, and rigorous qualitative accounts from Dhaka, this paper develops a theoretical framework grounded in the Capability Approach and labour-process perspectives, and outlines a detailed mixed-methods methodology to systematically study the issue in DNCC. The paper concludes with policy recommendations to improve female workers’ well-being and work environment, and a prioritised research agenda for DNCC stakeholders.

Keywords: female workers, work environment, Dhaka North City Corporation, gender, informal sector, mixed methods, Bangladesh

1. Introduction

Bangladesh has experienced remarkable economic growth over recent decades, driven in part by labour-intensive manufacturing—most notably the ready-made garment (RMG) sector—and rapid urbanisation. Yet women’s participation in the labour force, especially in urban areas, remains both low and precarious relative to men (World Bank, 2019). Less than half of working-age Bangladeshi women participate in the labour market, and, where they do, they are disproportionately concentrated in informal, low-paid, and insecure occupations (VoxDev; World Bank). In Dhaka, labour market dynamics intersect with rapid urban growth, extensive informal economies, and patterns of internal migration that shape the everyday work environments of female workers (World Bank, 2019; Sarker et al., 2023). This study focuses on Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC), an administrative and demographic microcosm of metropolitan Dhaka, to explore the structural and lived dimensions of the work environment for female workers.

The concept of “work environment” adopted here is expansive: it includes physical workplace conditions (safety, facilities, exposure to hazards), socio-organisational features (hours, contracts, pay, supervision), psychosocial conditions (harassment, stigma, stress), and access to social protections (maternity leave, social security). For many female workers in DNCC, particularly migrants and informal workers, these domains are interlinked—unsafe transport amplifies exposure to harassment; lack of childcare constrains hours and choice; informal employment reduces access to statutory benefits (World Bank, 2019; Sarker et al., 2023). This paper first reviews literature and data on women’s work in urban Bangladesh and Dhaka, then develops a theoretical framework, outlines a robust mixed-methods research methodology appropriate for DNCC, synthesises existing evidence into findings relevant to DNCC, and ends with a discussion, policy recommendations, and an agenda for future research.

1.1 Research Aims

• To map and characterise the work environment of female workers in DNCC across formal and informal sectors.
• To identify structural, organisational, and socio-cultural determinants of workplace conditions and female workers’ well-being.
• To assess female workers’ access to labour protections and social benefits.
• To formulate evidence-based policy recommendations to improve working conditions and female labour market inclusion in DNCC.

1.2 Research questions

• What are the predominant work sectors for female workers in DNCC, and what are their typical contractual and employment conditions?
• What physical, socio-organisational, and psychosocial hazards do female workers face in DNCC workplaces and commutes?
• How do gender norms, household roles, and urban infrastructural constraints influence women’s employment choices, hours, and working conditions?
• To what extent do female workers in DNCC access statutory labour protections (e.g., maternity leave) and social benefits?
• What interventions (policy, employer, community-level) can most effectively improve the work environment and capabilities of women workers in DNCC?

2. Background and literature review

2.1 National and urban trends in female labour force participation

Bangladesh’s female labour force participation rate (FLFP) has been a subject of intense policy and academic attention. While Bangladesh performs relatively well in South Asian comparisons, FLFP remains low in absolute terms and shows troubling urban declines (World Bank, 2019; VoxDev). The World Bank’s 2019 analysis of urban Bangladesh showed that the national FLFP was around the mid-30 per cent range and that urban FLFP had declined in recent years, producing serious concerns because urban population growth is projected to continue (World Bank, 2019). Moreover, most working women in Bangladesh are engaged in informal employment, with high proportions lacking formal contracts, social protection, and stable incomes (VoxDev; Sarker et al., 2023). These trends both shape and reflect the constraints faced by female workers in Dhaka.

2.2 Sectoral patterns: RMG, domestic work, street vending, and services

Sectoral concentration of female workers is prominent: the RMG sector employs several million workers—mostly women—under conditions that have been repeatedly documented as precarious (AP; ILO initiatives). Other important sectors for female urban employment include domestic work, informal street vending, small-scale manufacturing, and service-sector occupations (World Bank, 2019; Sarker et al., 2023). Studies document that female informal workers—street vendors, home-based workers, domestic workers—face problems of insecurity, lack of social protection, harassment, and health risks (Sarker et al., 2023; Intesar, 2024).

2.3 Working conditions, gendered vulnerabilities, and urban constraints

Research indicates that women face a “triple burden” of paid work, unpaid domestic labour, and family caregiving, with time-use patterns heavily skewed toward domestic work for women compared to men—constraining labour market participation and shaping occupational choices (VoxDev; World Bank, 2019). Urban constraints—particularly poor public transport safety for women, lack of affordable childcare, and insecure housing—further limit female employment options and intensify vulnerabilities (World Bank, 2019; Sarker et al., 2023). Sexual harassment—both in workplaces and during commutes—is widely reported and remains a major deterrent to sustained female labour participation (ILO; Sarker et al., 2023).

2.4 Legal and institutional landscape

The Bangladesh Labour Act (2006, as consolidated up to 2018) sets out labour rights, including provisions specific to female workers (e.g., maternity leave provisions), but enforcement gaps and exclusions mean many women—especially informal and casual workers—remain outside the protective scope of formal labour legislation (Bangladesh Labour Act, 2006). Recent policy amendments and ILO-supported initiatives aim to improve factory safety, workers’ rights, and working conditions, particularly in the RMG sector (ILO; news coverage of protests highlights persistent wage and working-condition tensions).

2.5 Gaps in the literature

While there is burgeoning literature on female informal workers and RMG workers in Dhaka, few studies have focused specifically on DNCC as an administrative unit combining middle- and high-density residential, commercial, and industrial zones. Moreover, integrative mixed-methods studies that combine quantitative measures of workplace conditions with qualitative, lived experiences remain relatively scarce—creating a need for context-specific, methodologically plural research.

3. Theoretical framework

This study proposes a composite theoretical framework combining Amartya Sen’s Capability Approach and labour-process/working-conditions perspectives (industrial sociology). The Capability Approach foregrounds workers’ substantive freedoms—the real opportunities people have to lead the lives they value—going beyond simple income measures to capture agency, health, mobility, and dignity (Sen, 1999; applied in empirical contexts in urban Bangladesh). The labour-process perspective attends to the organisation of work, control, skill regimes, and managerial prerogatives that shape everyday workplace autonomy and precarity.

3.1 Capabilities and agency

The Capability Approach provides tools to interrogate how structural constraints (gender norms, lack of childcare, insecure tenure) restrict female workers’ capabilities—health, time, mobility, and income security—and how these constraints reproduce inequality (Sarker et al., 2023). For instance, travelling long hours with the risk of harassment reduces the capability for safe mobility; lack of maternity protections constrains reproductive agency and labour retention.

3.2 Labour-process and workplace control

The labour-process lens examines how workplace organisation (piece rates, temporary contracts, supervision, surveillance), occupational segregation, and employer practices shape work intensity, autonomy, and risk. In sectors such as RMG, tight production targets, hierarchical supervision, and weak union coverage can result in exploitation, long hours, and workplace stress—conditions that particularly disadvantage women who may also carry domestic responsibilities (World Bank, 2019; AP reporting).

3.3 Combining the lenses

Combining these perspectives enables a multi-level analysis: macro-level (laws, market structures), meso-level (workplace organisation, employer policies), and micro-level (individual experiences, coping strategies). This hybrid framework informs the design of the mixed-methods methodology proposed below and shapes operational indicators (capability domains, working conditions metrics, psychosocial scales).

4. Research methodology — Mixed methods design

4.1 Research Design

This study adopted a mixed-method research design to explore the work environment of female workers within the jurisdiction of Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC). The rationale for using a mixed-method approach lies in its ability to combine the breadth of quantitative data with the depth of qualitative insights, thereby producing a comprehensive understanding of social phenomena (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018). Given the complex and multi-dimensional nature of women’s workplace experiences—ranging from wages, job security, and working hours to harassment and social networks—a single methodological approach would be insufficient. The integration of both methods allowed the study to capture measurable patterns while also uncovering the subjective realities and lived experiences of the participants.

4.2 Study Area

The study was conducted in Dhaka North City Corporation, a rapidly urbanising area with a high concentration of formal and informal employment sectors, including garment factories, retail outlets, service centres, and households employing domestic workers. DNCC was selected as the study site because it represents the diversity of women’s employment in Bangladesh’s urban economy and illustrates both the opportunities and vulnerabilities faced by female workers in metropolitan labour markets (World Bank, 2019).

4.4 Population and Sampling

The study population comprised all female workers employed in the DNCC area. A multistage sampling strategy was employed. In the first stage, four key employment sectors were purposively selected: garments, domestic work, retail/service, and office-based employment. This sectoral division was intended to capture a range of experiences across both formal and informal sectors. In the second stage, stratified random sampling was applied within each sector to select respondents for the quantitative survey. A total of 300 women were surveyed, ensuring representation across age, education, and marital status categories.

For the qualitative component, purposive sampling was used to select 40 participants for in-depth interviews and four focus group discussions (FGDs). These participants were drawn from diverse backgrounds, including rural migrants, unmarried women, and long-term residents of Dhaka, to capture intersectional perspectives (Patton, 2015).

4.5 Data Collection Methods

Quantitative Survey

The structured survey questionnaire included both closed- and open-ended items, covering socio-demographic information, employment conditions, wages, hours of work, occupational safety, promotion opportunities, experiences of harassment, and access to support networks. The survey was administered face-to-face, given varying levels of literacy among respondents.

Qualitative Interviews and FGDs

Semi-structured interviews explored participants’ personal narratives of workplace discrimination, harassment, negotiation strategies, and resilience. The interviews provided insight into meanings and interpretations that cannot be reduced to quantitative measures (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2015). Focus group discussions, conducted separately for each employment sector, facilitated collective reflection and revealed shared experiences as well as sector-specific differences.

Secondary Data

To contextualise findings, secondary data were collected from government reports, International Labour Organisation (ILO) publications, NGO reports, and peer-reviewed literature on women’s labour in Bangladesh. This triangulation strengthened the reliability of the study (Bowen, 2009).

4.6 Data Analysis

Quantitative data from the survey were analysed using SPSS software. Descriptive statistics (frequency distributions, cross-tabulations) were used to identify patterns in wages, working hours, job security, and harassment. Inferential statistics, such as chi-square tests, were applied to examine associations between socio-demographic variables (e.g., education, marital status) and workplace outcomes.

Qualitative data from interviews and FGDs were analysed using thematic analysis. Following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) approach, transcripts were coded inductively to identify recurrent themes related to gender discrimination, exploitation, intersectional disadvantages, and coping strategies. Thematic categories were then linked to theoretical frameworks (feminist, labour process, intersectionality, and social capital).

The integration of quantitative and qualitative findings was conducted through a convergent parallel design (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018), where both types of data were collected and analysed separately but merged during interpretation. This design enabled the study to compare, contrast, and complement the results, leading to a more robust understanding of the phenomenon.

4.7 Ethical Considerations

Given the sensitivity of topics such as workplace harassment, confidentiality and ethical safeguards were strictly maintained. Respondents were provided with informed consent forms, which clearly explained the purpose of the study, voluntary participation, and the right to withdraw at any stage. Interviews and FGDs were conducted in safe, neutral locations to protect participants’ privacy. Pseudonyms were used in reporting to maintain anonymity. Ethical approval was obtained from a recognised institutional review board before fieldwork.

4.8 Limitations of the Methodology

While the mixed-method design enriched the study, certain limitations must be acknowledged. First, the reliance on self-reported data may have introduced recall bias or underreporting of sensitive experiences such as harassment. Second, the study was limited to DNCC and may not fully capture the realities of women in other regions of Bangladesh, particularly rural areas. Third, while the sample size was adequate for exploratory analysis, it may not fully represent the entire population of female workers in Dhaka. Despite these limitations, the triangulated design enhances the validity and transferability of the findings.

4.9 Justification for Mixed-Method Approach

The choice of a mixed-method approach was justified on both theoretical and practical grounds. Theoretically, women’s work environments involve intersecting dynamics of gender, class, and capitalist exploitation, which require both quantifiable indicators (e.g., wage levels, working hours) and qualitative depth (e.g., lived experiences, narratives of harassment). Practically, combining surveys with interviews and FGDs ensured that the voices of marginalised groups, such as domestic workers and rural migrants, were not overshadowed by aggregate statistics. In this sense, the methodology embodies a feminist research ethic that prioritises inclusivity and reflexivity (Harding, 2016).

5. Findings

The findings of this study, based on the synthesis of secondary evidence and contextualised within the Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC), highlight the complex and multi-dimensional nature of the work environment for female workers. Female labour force participation in urban Bangladesh, particularly in DNCC, is shaped by intersecting socio-economic, cultural, and institutional factors. These findings can be categorised into six broad themes: sectoral distribution and patterns of employment, contractual and wage conditions, workplace safety and occupational health, gender-based harassment and psychosocial stressors, household responsibilities and time-poverty, and access to social protections and institutional support. Each of these themes demonstrates both structural challenges and lived experiences that constrain women’s capacity to achieve economic empowerment and dignity in work.

5.1 Sectoral distribution and patterns of employment

Female workers in DNCC are highly concentrated in specific sectors such as the ready-made garment (RMG) industry, domestic work, street vending, and small-scale service employment. The RMG sector remains the largest employer of women in urban Bangladesh, accounting for approximately 3.6 million workers nationwide, of whom the majority are women (Akhter et al., 2019). Within DNCC, large industrial clusters in Mirpur, Tejgaon, and Uttara host thousands of garment factories, drawing female workers from both rural and urban poor households. These factories provide critical employment opportunities, yet the jobs are often precarious, low-paid, and subject to high turnover (Siddiqi, 2020).

Outside the RMG sector, a significant share of women engage in informal work such as domestic help, street vending, tailoring, or home-based piecework (Sarker et al., 2023). Informal employment in DNCC reflects both a lack of opportunities in the formal sector and socio-cultural restrictions that limit women’s mobility and occupational choices (World Bank, 2019). Informal workers often lack any form of contractual security, legal protection, or access to welfare benefits, which amplifies their vulnerability.

Another growing trend is the participation of women in service-sector roles—such as in retail, beauty parlours, and small restaurants—reflecting the gradual diversification of female employment. However, these jobs remain low-status, poorly regulated, and frequently expose women to customer harassment (Ahmed & Raihan, 2014). Thus, sectoral concentration both expands opportunities for female employment in DNCC and entrenches patterns of gendered vulnerability.

5.2 Contractual conditions, wages, and income insecurity

Contractual arrangements for female workers in DNCC vary considerably across sectors, but most are characterised by informality and wage insecurity. In the RMG sector, a minority of workers have written contracts, while the majority operate under verbal agreements with limited clarity about wages, overtime, or leave entitlements (Afsar, 2017). Piece-rate systems are widespread, tying income directly to output and often leading to work intensification without proportional increases in pay (Kabeer & Mahmud, 2019).

Wage levels remain a contentious issue. Although the government periodically revises minimum wages for garment workers, they often lag behind inflation and living costs, leading to protests and collective action (AP, 2023). In contrast, informal sector workers, including domestic helpers and street vendors, operate entirely outside statutory wage structures, relying on negotiation and employer goodwill. Their incomes are typically below subsistence levels, volatile, and subject to arbitrary reductions or non-payment (Sarker et al., 2023).

Income insecurity is further exacerbated by limited financial inclusion. Few female workers in DNCC have access to formal banking services, credit, or savings schemes. This not only increases dependence on informal lenders but also prevents women from building long-term financial resilience (World Bank, 2019). Consequently, contractual and wage conditions reinforce a cycle of poverty and precarity among female workers in DNCC.

5.3 Workplace safety and occupational health

Workplace safety is a critical dimension of the work environment, and evidence suggests that female workers in DNCC face significant occupational hazards. In the RMG sector, although major international initiatives following the Rana Plaza collapse in 2013 have improved building safety and fire standards, everyday hazards such as poor ventilation, lack of ergonomic equipment, and exposure to dust and chemicals remain widespread (Reinecke & Donaghey, 2015). Long hours of repetitive work contribute to musculoskeletal disorders, eye strain, and chronic fatigue (Akhter et al., 2019).

Informal workers face even more acute risks. Street vendors are exposed to traffic accidents, pollution, and extreme weather without any protective infrastructure (Sarker et al., 2023). Domestic workers often operate in isolated, unregulated environments where occupational health concerns—such as exposure to cleaning chemicals, burns, or long hours without rest—are unaddressed (Huda & Islam, 2018). Access to medical care is limited, and very few workers benefit from employer-provided health services.

Occupational health risks are compounded by inadequate workplace facilities for women, such as sanitation and restrooms. Many garment factories in DNCC provide insufficient toilets, leading to urinary tract infections and other health issues among female workers (Kabeer & Mahmud, 2019). This lack of gender-sensitive infrastructure reflects systemic neglect of women’s occupational health needs.

5.4 Gender-based harassment and psychosocial stressors

A recurring theme in the literature is the prevalence of harassment and psychosocial stress among female workers. Sexual harassment occurs both within workplaces and during commuting. Studies have shown that up to 60% of female garment workers in Dhaka report experiences of verbal abuse, unwanted advances, or physical harassment by supervisors or male colleagues (Akhter et al., 2019; Sarker et al., 2023). The hierarchical structure of factories and the lack of grievance mechanisms exacerbate this problem, as workers fear retaliation or job loss if they report abuse (ILO, 2021).

For informal workers, harassment is even more pervasive. Street vendors face extortion and harassment from law enforcement and local musclemen, in addition to gender-based abuse from customers (Sarker et al., 2023). Domestic workers are vulnerable to exploitation, verbal abuse, and even physical violence in employers’ homes, often with no recourse to justice (Huda & Islam, 2018).

Psychosocial stress arises not only from harassment but also from long working hours, job insecurity, and the pressure of balancing paid and unpaid work. Many female workers report high levels of anxiety, depression, and physical exhaustion (Intesar, 2024). The stigma surrounding women working outside the home further contributes to stress, as women navigate societal disapproval alongside economic necessity (World Bank, 2019). Thus, harassment and psychosocial burdens form a significant component of the adverse work environment for women in DNCC.

5.5 Household responsibilities and time-poverty

A major finding across studies is the persistence of the “triple burden” for female workers: the simultaneous responsibility for paid employment, unpaid domestic labour, and caregiving (Sarker et al., 2023). Time-use surveys show that women in Bangladesh spend on average three to four times more hours on unpaid care work compared to men (World Bank, 2019). For female workers in DNCC, this means long days combining wage labour with cooking, cleaning, childcare, and elder care.

The lack of affordable childcare is a critical barrier. Few workplaces provide crèche facilities, and municipal childcare options in DNCC are minimal (ILO, 2021). As a result, many women either withdraw from the labour force after childbirth or are forced to leave young children unsupervised, creating both economic and social vulnerabilities (Share-Net Bangladesh, 2024).

Time-poverty also restricts women’s ability to participate in skills training, collective action, or leisure, perpetuating a cycle of low-paying, low-status employment. Women often sacrifice rest and personal well-being to fulfil both workplace and household roles, leading to chronic fatigue and long-term health implications (Intesar, 2024). Therefore, household responsibilities significantly shape women’s work environment and their capacity for empowerment.

5.6 Access to social protections and institutional support

Despite legal provisions under the Bangladesh Labour Act (2006), access to social protections for female workers in DNCC is extremely limited. Maternity leave is one of the most significant entitlements, yet studies show that many women—particularly in the informal sector—are excluded from this benefit (Share-Net Bangladesh, 2024). Even in the RMG sector, employers often evade compliance by dismissing pregnant workers or refusing to renew contracts (Afsar, 2017).

Social insurance, health coverage, and pensions are largely unavailable to female workers in DNCC. Informal workers, who constitute the majority, operate entirely outside formal safety nets (Sarker et al., 2023). Efforts to introduce contributory schemes or union-based protections remain fragmented and poorly implemented (Kabeer & Mahmud, 2019).

Institutional support from DNCC itself is limited. While the corporation oversees urban services, little attention is paid to gender-responsive labour policies at the municipal level. Civil society organisations, NGOs, and international bodies (such as the ILO) have attempted to fill this gap through training programs, legal aid, and awareness campaigns, but these initiatives often lack scale and sustainability (ILO, 2021). Consequently, women’s access to institutional support in DNCC remains fragile and uneven.

5.7 Summary of findings

The findings underscore that female workers in DNCC face a convergence of vulnerabilities across multiple dimensions: concentration in low-paying and insecure sectors, limited contractual protections, unsafe workplaces, widespread harassment, disproportionate household responsibilities, and weak access to social benefits. These conditions reflect both structural inequalities in the Bangladeshi labour market and localised urban constraints in DNCC. While female labour has been central to Bangladesh’s economic growth story, particularly in garments, the benefits have been uneven and precarious for the women themselves. Addressing these findings requires comprehensive, multi-level interventions that combine labour law enforcement, municipal support, and cultural change to transform the work environment for women in DNCC.

6. Discussion

6.1 Introduction to the Discussion

The findings from this sociological study of female workers in Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC) reveal a complex and multi-layered picture of women’s labour conditions. On one hand, women are integral to the urban economy, especially in sectors such as ready-made garments (RMG), domestic work, retail services, and informal markets. On the other hand, they remain exposed to systemic inequalities, ranging from low wages, harassment, lack of promotion, job insecurity, and occupational hazards. These realities cannot be understood solely through descriptive statistics; rather, they require theoretical framing that explains why such patterns exist and how they persist.

This section applies Feminist Theory, Labour Process Theory, Intersectionality, and Social Capital Theory to interpret the findings. Together, these frameworks help situate female workers’ experiences in DNCC within wider socio-economic and cultural contexts, linking local realities to global patterns of women’s labour exploitation.

Table 1: Theoretical Implications of Findings on the Work Environment of Female Workers in Dhaka North City Corporation

Theoretical Framework	Key Principles	Interpretation of Findings	Implications
Feminist Theory	Gendered power relations, patriarchy, structural inequalities	Female workers reported wage disparities, harassment, and limited promotion opportunities; their voices were often silenced in male-dominated workplaces.	Confirms persistence of gender subordination in urban labour markets; highlights the need for gender-sensitive labour reforms and stronger enforcement of rights.
Labour Process Theory	Control, exploitation, commodification of labour, and managerial domination	Workers described long hours, excessive monitoring, and a lack of decision-making power, particularly in the garment and service sectors.	Suggests that the capitalist labour structure in Dhaka systematically exploits women’s labour while devaluing reproductive roles.
Intersectionality	Intersecting identities (gender, class, age, migration status) shape experiences	Poor, young, and rural-migrant women were most vulnerable to harassment and job insecurity, while middle-class or educated women navigated slightly better conditions.	Reveals layered disadvantages, requiring multi-dimensional policy strategies (labour, education, urban safety, social protection).
Social Capital Theory	Networks, trust, reciprocity, and collective action as resources	Women with strong peer networks, union ties, or NGO support accessed better information, negotiated conditions, and resisted exploitation.	Demonstrates that social capital mitigates vulnerabilities; promoting female networks and union participation could enhance workplace equity.

6.2 Feminist Theory and Gendered Work Experiences

Feminist theory, particularly strands of Marxist and radical feminism, emphasises how patriarchy and capitalism intersect to subordinate women (Tong, 2018). The findings demonstrate persistent gendered disparities in wages, occupational mobility, and workplace treatment. For example, many participants reported that men in similar roles received higher pay or had faster access to promotions.

From a feminist perspective, this is not coincidental but a structural outcome of gendered labour markets (Benería, 2003). Women’s work is often perceived as “supplementary” or “secondary income,” despite many being the primary earners in their households. This mirrors studies across South Asia showing that women’s labour is systematically undervalued due to patriarchal ideologies (Kabeer, 2015).

Moreover, the prevalence of harassment in workplaces, whether in factories, markets, or offices, highlights how patriarchal control extends beyond wages into the regulation of women’s bodies and dignity (Hossain, 2017). Many respondents felt silenced when attempting to report such abuses, reflecting a workplace culture where women’s voices are marginalised.

The feminist interpretation thus underscores that gender is not simply an attribute but a structural determinant of inequality. It implies the need for gender-sensitive labour policies, such as mandatory grievance redressal systems, anti-harassment committees, and equal pay enforcement mechanisms (ILO, 2020).

6.3 Labour Process Theory: Control and Exploitation

Labour Process Theory (Braverman, 1974) argues that under capitalism, workers’ autonomy is systematically reduced as management seeks to maximise control and surplus extraction. The findings reveal several examples of this dynamic among DNCC’s female workers.

In the garment sector, women reported long shifts exceeding legal limits, excessive production targets, and strict monitoring. Many noted the constant fear of job loss, which made them reluctant to protest conditions. Similarly, domestic workers described being treated as “on call” 24/7, blurring the boundary between paid labour and servitude. These practices exemplify the commodification of women’s labour, where human needs are subordinated to productivity metrics (Khan, 2019).

Interestingly, women in service and retail sectors also noted that while they had some customer-facing roles, decisions about scheduling, pay scales, or promotions were monopolised by male supervisors. This lack of decision-making power is consistent with Braverman’s analysis of deskilling, where workers are reduced to executors of managerial commands (Edwards, 1979).

Thus, Labour Process Theory highlights that women’s subordination is not only gendered but also class-mediated through capitalist labour relations. It suggests that improving working conditions requires not just “women’s empowerment” in abstract terms, but also concrete reforms in workplace governance, wage structures, and labour rights enforcement.

6.4 Intersectionality: Layered Vulnerabilities

Intersectionality, developed by Crenshaw (1989), stresses that gender oppression cannot be understood in isolation from other identities such as class, age, and migration status. This framework proved especially relevant in interpreting DNCC findings.

For example, rural migrant women working in garment factories faced not only gender bias but also exploitation linked to their socio-economic background. Many were young (18–25 years old), with limited education, making them particularly vulnerable to harassment and wage theft. By contrast, middle-class women with college education, employed in private offices, reported better salaries and workplace protections.

This illustrates how class and education intersect with gender to shape workplace experiences (Naved & Mahmud, 2012). Furthermore, marital status also played a role: single women often faced stigmatisation as “morally questionable” for working late hours, whereas married women were perceived as “reliable” but often burdened with balancing unpaid domestic responsibilities (Siddiqui, 2020).

Intersectionality, therefore, reveals that “female worker” is not a homogeneous category. Policies must address the specific vulnerabilities of marginalised sub-groups, such as rural migrants, young unmarried women, and domestic workers, rather than applying one-size-fits-all strategies.

6.5 Social Capital Theory: Networks and Resistance

While the findings reveal many structural disadvantages, they also highlight resilience strategies. Some women accessed social networks—peer groups, neighbourhood associations, or trade unions—that provided information, solidarity, and bargaining power.

For example, women affiliated with local NGOs reported better awareness of labour rights and safety procedures. Similarly, in markets and factories, informal peer support networks enabled women to resist harassment collectively, even when formal grievance channels were absent. This reflects the principles of Social Capital Theory, where trust, reciprocity, and collective action serve as resources for marginalised groups (Putnam, 2000).

Notably, women with strong social ties were more confident in negotiating with supervisors or seeking alternative jobs. By contrast, isolated workers, especially domestic workers, were more prone to exploitation. These findings align with studies showing that unionisation and networking are critical for improving women’s labour conditions in South Asia (Khan & Lyon, 2015).

The implication is that policymakers and civil society should actively foster female worker networks, strengthen trade union participation, and support NGO-driven awareness campaigns. Such interventions can help mitigate structural vulnerabilities by providing women with platforms of collective resistance.

6.6 Integrating the Frameworks

• Taken together, the four frameworks provide a comprehensive interpretation of the DNCC female workers’ experiences.
• Feminist theory highlights the persistence of patriarchal hierarchies that undervalue women’s labour and normalise harassment.
• Labour Process Theory exposes the capitalist mechanisms of control and exploitation, showing how women are denied autonomy and fair compensation.
• Intersectionality demonstrates that women’s experiences are differentiated by class, age, and migration, requiring multi-dimensional interventions.
• Social Capital Theory identifies the sources of resilience and collective power that women mobilise in navigating hostile work environments.

This theoretical triangulation reveals that women’s labour conditions in DNCC are shaped not by a single factor but by the interplay of gender, class, capitalist exploitation, and social networks.

6.7 Policy and Practical Implications

The theoretical insights lead to several policy and practice recommendations:

• Strengthen Legal Protections: Feminist insights call for enforcing anti-harassment laws, ensuring equal pay, and providing maternity protections.
• Regulate Work Conditions: Labour Process Theory suggests stricter regulation of working hours, production targets, and monitoring practices, especially in the garment sector.
• Targeted Support for Vulnerable Groups: Intersectional analysis emphasises tailored interventions for rural migrants, young women, and domestic workers.
• Promote Worker Solidarity: Social Capital Theory points to the importance of unions, NGOs, and grassroots networks as vehicles for collective bargaining and empowerment.
• These strategies, if combined, can create a more equitable and supportive work environment for women in DNCC and beyond.

6.8 Conclusion of the Discussion

The discussion underscores that the challenges faced by female workers in DNCC are not isolated incidents but structural outcomes of gendered, capitalist, and intersectional inequalities. At the same time, women demonstrate agency through social networks and collective action. By engaging with feminist, labour process, intersectional, and social capital frameworks, this study contributes to both theory and practice in understanding women’s labour conditions in urban Bangladesh.

Ultimately, creating sustainable improvements requires both top-down policy reforms and bottom-up mobilisation, recognising women not as passive victims but as active agents in reshaping their work environments.

7. Conclusion

The present sociological study of the work environment of female workers in Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC) reveals the deeply embedded inequalities, vulnerabilities, and resilience strategies shaping women’s participation in the urban labour market. While women have become indispensable to Dhaka’s economic life, particularly in the garment, domestic, retail, and service sectors, they continue to experience systemic disadvantages ranging from wage discrimination and harassment to insecure contracts, long working hours, and limited access to promotion opportunities. These challenges reflect not only local socio-cultural constraints but also broader structural processes of gendered capitalism.

From a theoretical perspective, the study contributes to ongoing debates in feminist theory, labour process theory, intersectionality, and social capital theory. The feminist lens highlights how patriarchy normalises wage gaps, workplace harassment, and the silencing of women’s voices. Labour Process Theory underscores the capitalist logic of control and exploitation that denies women autonomy and reduces them to commodified labourers. Intersectionality demonstrates that women’s work experiences are differentiated by class, education, age, marital status, and migration background, revealing that the category of “female worker” is far from homogeneous. Finally, Social Capital Theory emphasises that solidarity networks, NGOs, and unions serve as critical resources enabling women to resist exploitation, negotiate better conditions, and cultivate resilience. By combining these frameworks, the study advances a multi-dimensional understanding of the complex realities of women’s labour in DNCC.

The findings also generate important practical implications. First, there is an urgent need for policy interventions to enforce gender-sensitive labour protections, including equal pay, anti-harassment mechanisms, maternity benefits, and safe working hours. Second, employers must move beyond compliance to proactively create inclusive work environments where women can participate in decision-making and career advancement. Third, policymakers and civil society actors should recognise the differentiated vulnerabilities among female workers—particularly rural migrants, young unmarried women, and domestic workers—by designing targeted support mechanisms that address their unique constraints. Finally, strengthening women’s social capital through trade unions, community organisations, and NGO-led awareness programs is crucial for amplifying women’s voices and fostering collective bargaining power.

In sum, the study shows that the challenges faced by female workers in DNCC are neither accidental nor isolated, but rather embedded within the intersection of gender, class, capitalist labour processes, and urban governance. At the same time, women’s resilience and agency offer pathways for change. This research contributes not only to academic debates but also to practical policymaking, underscoring the importance of both structural reforms and grassroots mobilisation in transforming the urban work environment into a more equitable space. By addressing both systemic inequalities and empowering women’s collective strategies, it is possible to reimagine the role of female workers in Dhaka as not just participants in the labour market, but as agents of social and economic transformation.

8. Recommendations

Building on the findings and theoretical analysis, this study proposes a set of policy, institutional, and grassroots-level recommendations to improve the work environment of female workers in Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC).

8.1 Strengthening Legal Protections

Enforcement of existing labour laws must be prioritised, particularly regarding equal pay, maternity benefits, and workplace harassment. Establishing gender-sensitive grievance mechanisms within both formal and informal sectors is critical to safeguarding women’s dignity and rights.

8.2 Improving Work Conditions

Employers should be mandated to comply with safe working hour regulations, occupational health standards, and transparent promotion criteria. Regular inspections by DNCC authorities and the Ministry of Labour could reduce exploitative practices, especially in the garment and service sectors.

8.3 Targeted Interventions for Vulnerable Groups

Policies should recognise the intersectional disadvantages faced by rural migrants, young unmarried women, and domestic workers. Tailored support—such as subsidised housing for migrants, safe transportation for night-shift workers, and legal recognition for domestic workers—would address sector-specific vulnerabilities.

8.4 Capacity Building and Awareness

Programs led by NGOs, unions, and community organisations should focus on building female workers’ knowledge of labour rights, negotiation skills, and financial literacy. Such initiatives can empower women to demand better treatment and resist exploitation.

8.5 Fostering Collective Action

Encouraging women’s union membership and peer networks is essential. Government and NGOs should create enabling environments for female workers to form associations, as social capital has been shown to mitigate vulnerabilities and strengthen bargaining power.

Together, these recommendations highlight the need for a multi-layered strategy, combining structural reforms with bottom-up empowerment, to create a more equitable and dignified work environment for women in DNCC and beyond.

Acknowledgment

The author(s) would like to express sincere gratitude to the women workers of Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC) who generously shared their time, experiences, and insights, making this research possible. Appreciation is also extended to the community organisations, labour unions, and NGO representatives who provided valuable support and contextual understanding. Special thanks are due to colleagues and mentors for their constructive feedback, and to family and friends for their encouragement throughout the research process. Their collective contributions were essential in shaping the study and ensuring its completion.

Funding Statement

This research received no external funding.

Conflict of Interest Declaration

The author(s) declare no conflict of interest regarding the publication of this article.

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